Bethlehem — 11 November 2026: Christmas is set to be bigger and more magical than ever at Dihlabeng Mall this year, with the launch of the Dihlabeng Christmas Village, a festive experience that promises to bring a whole new level of Christmas excitement to Bethlehem and the Eastern Free State.

From 1 to 24 December, the mall’s Game Court will be transformed into a Christmas Village, complete with spectacular festive decorations, fun activities for children, special moments with Santa and an opportunity for shoppers to spread some festive kindness.

For the first time in Dihlabeng Mall’s history, the centre will unveil a festive décor installation on a scale never seen before, creating a beautiful Christmas setting for families to explore, enjoy and capture those all-important festive photographs. With the new Christmas Village as its centrepiece, Dihlabeng Mall is set to become a must-visit destination for families looking to enjoy the magic of the season in the Eastern Free State.

Santa, Slime and a Little Christmas Giving

No Christmas celebration would be complete without a visit from Santa, and families will have the opportunity to capture special festive memories with him at the Christmas Village throughout the activation.

Adding an extra splash of fun for younger visitors, the Christmas Slime Lab will run from 14 to 18 December, inviting children to get creative and enjoy a hands-on slime-making experience. Three sessions will take place daily, from 10:00 to 11:00, 13:00 to 14:00 and 16:00 to 17:00. Tickets cost just R20 per child and must be booked in advance through Quicket.

Alongside the festive fun, Dihlabeng Mall will also be encouraging shoppers to give back through its Back-to-School Donation Station. Visitors are invited to donate school supplies to help children in need prepare for the 2027 school year, turning a little festive generosity into a positive start to the new year.

“Christmas is such a special time for families, and this year we wanted to create something truly memorable for Bethlehem,” says Gustav Dreyer, Marketing Manager at Dihlabeng Mall. “Our Christmas Village will bring a completely new festive experience to the mall, with beautiful decorations, exciting activities and plenty of opportunities for families to enjoy time together. We’re particularly excited about the scale of the Christmas installation, which is unlike anything we’ve done before. The festive season is also a time for giving, and we hope our shoppers will embrace the opportunity to help local children start the new school year with the supplies they need. Even a small contribution can make a meaningful difference.”

With its biggest festive transformation yet, Dihlabeng Mall is looking forward to welcoming families from all over to enjoy the Christmas Village throughout December.

For more information about the Dihlabeng Christmas Village, visit dihlabengmall.co.za or follow @dihlabeng_mall on Instagram for updates and booking details.

The post Dihlabeng Mall Brings Christmas Festivities and Community Giving to Bethlehem appeared first on Alt News Network.

Johannesburg — 9 November 2026: Johannesburg shoppers can enjoy a taste of the Cape Winelands this festive season as Babylonstoren opens A Garden of Gifts at Mall of Africa. Located between Nomad Restaurant and Skins Cosmetics, diagonally opposite Tashas, the seasonal pop-up brings together a collection of gifts shaped by the farm’s garden. The garden influences everything Babylonstoren produces, from its signature pantry treats to botanical fragrances and textiles, with the festive collection offering a selection of these farm favourites for those looking for something special to give.

Visitors to the pop-up can browse pantry treats, bath and body products, candles and home fragrance, linen, tableware, festive decor and gift-ready sets. There are wishlist-worthy finds for foodies, hosts and those with an eye for something exceptional. Complimentary gift wrapping is available in-store, adding a thoughtful finishing touch to every gift.

“So many of our guests travel from Gauteng to visit Babylonstoren. This festive season, we’re bringing a little of the farm closer to them,” says Tandi Oosthuizen, Head of Retail at Babylonstoren. “A Garden of Gifts brings together the things we’ve grown and made with care throughout the year. We look forward to sharing them at Mall of Africa.”

The shop will trade daily until 24 December, with extended hours in December to allow a little more time for choosing those final gifts.

Trading Hours

• Until 3 December: 09h00–20h00
• 4–17 December: 09h00–21h00
• 18–23 December: 09h00–22h00
• 24 December: 09h00–18h00

The post Babylonstoren Opens Festive Gift Pop-Up at Mall of Africa appeared first on Alt News Network.

Pietermaritzburg, 23 October 2026: Liberty Midlands Mall is celebrating another award-winning year, earning three national marketing accolades and being named Best Mall by the people of Pietermaritzburg and the Midlands for the second consecutive year. The mall received three Silver Awards at the 2026 South African Council of Shopping Centres (SACSC) Footprint Marketing Awards for its Boundless, ARTopia and Gaming Festival campaigns. It was also voted Best Mall in the 2026 Best of Pietermaritzburg and Midlands Readers’ Choice Awards.

The four accolades recognise different aspects of Liberty Midlands Mall’s role within the region, from creating innovative campaigns and experiences to building the kind of shopping, dining and entertainment destination that local residents continue to choose and support.

Three National Awards for Midlands Mall Campaigns

The annual SACSC Footprint Marketing Awards celebrate excellence in South African shopping-centre marketing, recognising campaigns for their strategy, creativity, execution and impact. Midlands Mall received three Silver Awards for campaigns implemented during 2025 and 2026, each designed to engage shoppers in a different way.

The Boundless brand campaign celebrated the many ways the mall forms part of its shoppers’ everyday lives. Through lifestyle-focused content and experiences, the campaign explored wellness, style, food, discovery, living and shared moments, telling stories that reflected the people and experiences that make up the Midlands Mall community.

ARTopia: Sustainable Strokes continued the mall’s support of young artistic talent, giving learners from local schools a platform to express their creativity while bringing schools, educators, families and shoppers together. The campaign celebrated the imagination and individuality of participating learners while encouraging conversations around sustainability.

The Gaming Festival: Next Dimension brought gaming, technology and entertainment together in an energetic interactive experience, creating opportunities for gamers, families and visitors to connect, compete and enjoy the mall in a different way.

A Title Chosen by the Community

While the Footprint Awards brought national industry recognition, being named Best Mall in the Best of Pietermaritzburg and Midlands Readers’ Choice Awards carries a particularly local significance. This is the second consecutive year that Liberty Midlands Mall has received the title, with the award determined by votes from the community it serves.

Lawrence Joubert, General Manager of Liberty Midlands Mall, says receiving recognition from both industry peers and local shoppers makes the year particularly special. “We are incredibly proud of all four awards. The three Footprint Silver Awards recognise the creativity and hard work that goes into creating experiences our shoppers can genuinely enjoy, while being voted Best Mall for a second consecutive year means a great deal because that recognition comes directly from our community,” says Joubert.

“Liberty Midlands Mall has been part of Pietermaritzburg for many years, and the continued support of our shoppers is something we never take for granted. These awards are shared with our mall team, stores, service providers and campaign partners, as well as every shopper who visits, participates and continues to choose Midlands Mall.”

The latest accolades add to Liberty Midlands Mall’s growing list of achievements and reinforce its commitment to creating a shopping, dining and entertainment destination that continues to evolve with the needs and interests of the Pietermaritzburg and Midlands community.

For more information on Liberty Midlands Mall and upcoming events, visit midlandsmall.co.za or follow @libertymidlandsmall on Facebook or Instagram.

The post Liberty Midlands Mall Celebrates Another Award-Winning Year appeared first on Alt News Network.

Johannesburg — 9 November 2026: South Africa’s 2026 local government election results have delivered a significant political setback for the African National Congress (ANC), while the Democratic Alliance (DA), uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) Party, Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and ActionSA face an increasingly complicated political landscape. With the ANC securing 30.76% of the national vote, the results demonstrate a substantial decline in its electoral support, while opposition parties have gained ground without establishing a single dominant alternative. According to Newsday’s final election results, the outcome leaves 139 municipal councils requiring coalition arrangements, raising questions about political stability, municipal accountability and whether the changing balance of power will translate into improved service delivery.

2026 Local Government Election Results

The Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) announced the final results following local government elections held between 2 and 4 November 2026.

Newsday reports that 29.2 million voters were registered, with approximately 14.9 million participating, representing a turnout of 52%.

The elections involved 520 political parties, 137,000 candidates and 213 municipal councils, with 10,526 council seats available.

The national results placed the ANC first, followed by the DA, MK Party, EFF and ActionSA.

According to Newsday, the leading parties recorded the following national vote shares and council seats:

The figures establish that the ANC remains the largest party nationally, but its support is considerably lower than the level required to secure outright majorities across most municipal councils.

The DA remains the second-largest party, while MK has established itself as a significant electoral force. The EFF and ActionSA retain representation, although their national vote shares are considerably smaller.

The results also demonstrate that opposition support remains divided among several parties.

Rather than producing a clear national replacement for the ANC, the election has created a more fragmented political environment in which coalition negotiations will determine municipal leadership.

The ANC: Still the Largest Party, but Facing a Serious Electoral Setback

The ANC secured 30.76% of the national vote and 3,246 council seats.

Although it remains the largest party, the result represents a substantial departure from its previous electoral dominance.

Newsday reports that the ANC leads in 128 municipalities and secured outright majorities in 53.

These figures demonstrate that the party retains considerable political influence and an established presence across the country.

However, its national vote share raises questions about whether the ANC can recover the confidence of voters who have shifted their support elsewhere.

The decline comes after years of criticism concerning municipal service delivery, infrastructure failures, corruption allegations and the management of public resources.

Reuters reported that the ANC received 30.76% of the vote, compared with 45.59% in the 2021 local government elections. The news agency described the outcome as a major setback for the governing party.

The decline is significant, but the national results alone cannot establish why individual voters chose other parties.

Some voters may have been dissatisfied with municipal administration, while others may have been motivated by national political issues, leadership concerns or ideological differences.

The results demonstrate declining support. They do not establish a single explanation for that decline.

The question now is whether the ANC will respond with meaningful changes in governance and municipal performance, or whether it will attempt to recover support through political messaging without addressing the underlying concerns of voters.

The DA: Electoral Gains and the Challenge of Coalition Government

The DA secured 24.64% of the national vote and 1,695 council seats.

Newsday reports that the party leads in 32 municipalities and secured outright majorities in 12.

Its position as the second-largest party nationally demonstrates that it remains a significant political force.

However, the DA’s national vote share does not establish that it has secured control of the country’s major municipalities.

Municipal leadership depends on local council results, the distribution of seats and the ability to secure support from other parties.

The DA may therefore find itself negotiating with parties whose political positions differ considerably from its own.

Coalition arrangements could provide opportunities to establish alternative municipal leadership, but they also introduce the possibility of political instability.

The party’s challenge is to demonstrate that its electoral gains can translate into measurable improvements in municipal administration.

Winning votes is one part of the process. Maintaining functioning councils, managing municipal finances and delivering services will determine whether those gains produce lasting political support.

MK Party: A Significant Electoral Force

The MK Party secured 9.76% of the national vote and 785 council seats.

Former president Jacob Zuma’s party finished third nationally, establishing a significant presence in the country’s local government elections.

Its performance is particularly relevant in KwaZulu-Natal, where the party has challenged the ANC’s historical political dominance.

However, its national vote share remains considerably below that of both the ANC and the DA.

The result demonstrates electoral influence, but it does not establish that MK has become a national governing alternative.

Its ability to influence municipal leadership will depend on the number of seats it holds in individual councils and the political arrangements it can negotiate.

The party’s historical connection to the ANC also raises questions about the extent to which its electoral support represents a rejection of the ANC, support for MK’s own political programme, or a combination of both.

Those questions cannot be answered through national vote shares alone.

The next test will be whether MK can demonstrate effective municipal governance and translate its electoral support into practical improvements for residents.

EFF: A Smaller National Share and Questions About Its Political Direction

The EFF secured 6.22% of the national vote and 588 council seats.

Its result places it behind MK, the DA and the ANC, while demonstrating that the party retains representation in municipal politics.

The national figures raise questions about the EFF’s ability to maintain its position as a major challenger to the ANC.

However, the results alone do not establish why the party’s support has declined.

It would be premature to attribute its electoral performance exclusively to leadership decisions, policy positions, coalition arrangements or competition from MK without examining municipality-level results and voter behaviour.

The EFF’s future political influence will depend partly on whether it can demonstrate that its policies offer practical solutions to municipal challenges.

The party has an opportunity to examine its electoral performance and determine whether its political strategy continues to resonate with voters.

The question is whether it can rebuild support through effective political engagement and municipal performance, or whether its influence will increasingly depend on coalition negotiations.

ActionSA: Smaller National Support, Potentially Significant Coalition Influence

ActionSA received 5.67% of the national vote and secured 313 council seats.

Although its national support is smaller than that of the ANC, DA and MK, its position could become important in municipalities where no party has secured an outright majority.

The election has created opportunities for smaller parties to influence municipal leadership and policy decisions.

However, coalition influence should not be confused with electoral dominance.

ActionSA’s ability to shape municipal government will depend on the number of seats it holds in individual councils, the alternatives available to larger parties and the conditions it places on coalition agreements.

The party will also face questions about whether entering coalitions with parties it has previously criticised could undermine its political identity.

Coalition participation may provide an opportunity to influence municipal administration, but it also requires compromises.

The central issue is whether ActionSA can demonstrate that its participation produces identifiable improvements in service delivery, accountability and municipal governance.

Coalition Government: The Election’s Most Significant Consequence

The most consequential figure in Newsday’s report may be the number of municipal councils requiring coalition arrangements.

According to the article, only 74 of South Africa’s 213 municipal councils returned an outright majority for a single party.

The remaining 139 councils require coalitions.

The ANC leads in 128 municipalities and secured outright majorities in 53, while the DA leads in 32 municipalities and secured outright majorities in 12.

These figures indicate that political negotiations will play a substantial role in determining municipal leadership.

Coalitions can provide an opportunity for parties to cooperate on practical issues despite ideological differences.

They can also produce instability when parties disagree over mayoral appointments, budgets, policy priorities or the allocation of political positions.

The outcome will depend on the terms of individual coalition agreements and whether participating parties can maintain their commitments.

The central question is whether these coalitions will prioritise municipal administration and service delivery, or whether political bargaining will become the dominant concern.

A coalition that secures political control but cannot maintain a functioning council would offer little practical benefit to residents.

Conversely, arrangements that establish clear responsibilities, transparent decision-making and measurable performance standards could provide an opportunity to improve local government.

The election has created the conditions for both outcomes.

What the Results Establish — and What Remains Unanswered

Newsday’s report provides a useful overview of the national election results.

It identifies the leading parties, records their national vote shares and council seats, and explains the extent of coalition requirements.

However, the national figures do not provide a complete explanation of the political changes taking place.

National Vote Shares Do Not Explain Municipal Performance

National vote shares provide a broad picture of political support.

They do not establish which parties will govern individual municipalities.

A party can receive a relatively small national vote share while holding enough seats in a particular municipality to influence its leadership.

Likewise, a party with a strong national result may fail to secure a majority in a strategically important city.

Municipality-specific results are therefore necessary to assess the practical implications of the election.

The Results Do Not Establish Why Voters Changed Their Support

The figures show how votes were distributed.

They do not establish whether voters were motivated by corruption concerns, service delivery failures, unemployment, ideological differences, dissatisfaction with leadership or other factors.

Those explanations require additional evidence, including voter surveys, local reporting and comparisons with previous elections.

It would be misleading to treat the decline in ANC support as proof that every voter rejected the party for the same reason.

Coalition Requirements Are Not Coalition Outcomes

Newsday identifies 139 councils requiring coalitions.

That is an important distinction, but it does not establish which coalitions will emerge or whether those arrangements will remain stable.

The eventual political agreements will determine who controls municipal budgets, leadership appointments and policy decisions.

Those outcomes require further reporting.

Electoral Results Do Not Establish Future Governing Performance

The election provides evidence of voter preferences.

It does not establish whether the parties that gained support will govern effectively.

That assessment will require examining municipal finances, service delivery, infrastructure maintenance, accountability and the performance of newly formed coalitions.

The political significance of the election will ultimately be determined by what happens after the results are announced.

Conclusion: A Political Shift, but Not Yet a Clear Alternative

South Africa’s 2026 local government elections have weakened the ANC’s electoral position while increasing the influence of opposition parties.

The ANC remains the largest party nationally, but its 30.76% vote share demonstrates that it can no longer rely on the level of support it previously enjoyed.

The DA has retained its position as the second-largest party, while MK has established itself as a significant political force. The EFF and ActionSA retain electoral representation, although their national vote shares remain comparatively limited.

The election has also reinforced the importance of coalition government.

With 139 municipal councils requiring coalitions, the ability to negotiate political agreements may become as important as the ability to win votes.

However, the results do not establish that South Africa has found a clear replacement for the ANC.

They demonstrate that voters have distributed their support across several parties, creating a more fragmented political landscape.

The next stage will determine whether that fragmentation produces better municipal government or simply another cycle of political instability.

The real test is not which party celebrates its electoral gains, but which parties can demonstrate that their political decisions improve the lives of residents.

Will the ANC respond to its declining support with meaningful changes in governance? Can the DA translate its electoral gains into effective municipal leadership? Will MK, the EFF and ActionSA demonstrate that their political programmes offer practical alternatives?

And, most importantly, will the coalitions formed after this election deliver the accountability and service delivery that voters have been demanding?

Those are the questions the final election results cannot answer on their own.

The post South Africa’s 2026 Local Elections: ANC Remains Largest Party as Coalition Politics Takes Centre Stage appeared first on Alt News Network.

Johannesburg — 8 November 2026: South Africa’s proposed biometric regulations for mobile SIM cards are raising concerns about privacy, digital surveillance and the growing role of government identity systems in everyday life, with critics warning that the changes could pave the way for a more extensive Digital ID framework.

The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) has published its Draft Numbering Plan Fifth Amendment Regulations, 2026, proposing mandatory biometric verification for mobile subscribers.

Under the draft, mobile network operators would be required to capture fingerprints or facial images and verify them against the Department of Home Affairs’ national population register when activating or reactivating SIM cards. The regulations would also introduce a maximum of five mobile numbers per individual per network and require existing subscribers to undergo biometric verification within two years of implementation.

While ICASA’s stated objective is to combat SIM-card fraud, identity theft and criminal activity, the proposed framework raises questions about whether ordinary South Africans should be compelled to surrender sensitive biometric information simply to maintain access to mobile communications.

A Potential Expansion of Digital Surveillance

The concern extends beyond SIM cards.

South Africa’s wider digital transformation plans have placed increasing emphasis on digital identity and the use of technology to access government services. However, the ICASA proposal introduces another layer of identity verification into an essential service, potentially normalising biometric checks as a condition of participation in the digital economy.

Although the draft regulations do not establish a national Digital ID system, critics argue that compulsory biometric verification could contribute to the infrastructure and administrative practices required for a more centralised digital identity framework.

The distinction matters. A SIM-card verification system is not automatically a national Digital ID, but linking telecommunications access directly to government-held biometric records raises legitimate questions about how far identity verification could eventually extend.

Could similar requirements be introduced for banking, public services or other essential transactions?

The regulations also create a potential vulnerability for ordinary citizens. If Home Affairs systems experience technical failures, subscribers could face difficulties completing SIM swaps, potentially affecting access to banking services, emergency communications and other services dependent on mobile connectivity.

Privacy, Costs and Accountability

The proposed regulations state that biometric information would be used for identity verification, with deletion requirements applying after a number is deactivated, subject to specified exceptions.

However, the existence of restrictions does not eliminate the risks associated with collecting and processing sensitive personal information across thousands of retail outlets and network operators.

A biometric breach presents a different problem from a compromised password. Fingerprints and facial characteristics cannot simply be replaced.

The proposed two-year verification period also raises practical concerns. Millions of existing subscribers could be required to complete additional identity checks, creating administrative pressure and potentially increasing compliance costs for telecommunications operators.

Whether those costs will ultimately be passed on to consumers remains an important question.

Supporters argue that stronger biometric verification could help prevent fraudulent SIM registrations and protect consumers against SIM-swap attacks. Those objectives deserve consideration.

But should the public be expected to accept a permanent expansion of biometric collection without clear evidence that the system will significantly reduce criminal activity, without adequate safeguards and without meaningful alternatives for people who cannot complete verification?

South Africans Must Question the Direction of Digital ID

The broader issue is whether the government’s expanding reliance on digital identity systems is being accompanied by sufficient public scrutiny, transparency and accountability.

Digital identification may offer administrative convenience, but convenience alone cannot justify compulsory biometric collection or the creation of systems that could eventually make access to essential services dependent on a person’s ability to authenticate themselves through government infrastructure.

The proposed ICASA regulations should therefore be considered not merely as a telecommunications amendment, but as part of a wider debate about privacy, individual freedom and the limits of state authority in an increasingly digital society.

South Africans have an opportunity to challenge the proposal before it becomes law.

Have Your Say: Vote Against the Proposed Biometric Regulations

Dear South Africa is collecting public submissions on ICASA’s Draft Numbering Plan Fifth Amendment Regulations, 2026.

Readers concerned about compulsory biometric verification, privacy risks, the five-number limit and the potential expansion of digital surveillance are encouraged to participate in the public consultation.

Vote against the proposed regulations and make your objections heard:

SUBMIT YOUR OBJECTION TO ICASA’S BIOMETRIC REGULATIONS

Should access to mobile communications increasingly depend on biometric identification? And what safeguards would prevent today’s SIM-card verification requirements from becoming tomorrow’s compulsory Digital ID infrastructure?

The post ICASA’s Biometric SIM Rules Raise Fresh Digital ID Concerns appeared first on Alt News Network.

Residents want illegal land use stopped, not simply charged at a higher rate.

DURBAN, South Africa — Residents of Bellair and Seaview are questioning eThekwini Municipality’s response to the alleged illegal truck depot at 710/712 Sarnia Road.

In an email dated 5 November 2026, Claire Norton confirmed that a report concerning the properties had been presented to the Joint Advisory Committee on 3 November. The City now intends to recommend that the properties be moved into its Illegal Land Use rates category, subject to further approval.

Norton wrote:

“A recommendation to increase the rates to that of an Illegal Land Use will be now be made to our Director…”

Residents are not satisfied. Nisha Madaree of the Concerned Rates Group challenged the proposal, stating:

“An increased rates category is not enforcement nor does it resolve the ongoing impact on residents.”

In a separate response to Norton, another resident questioned the City’s priorities, stating:

“The City’s approach raises serious questions about whether revenue has become more important than fulfilling its mandate.”

The response also raised concerns about possible improper influence or bribery, questioning whether this could be playing a role in the apparent lack of enforcement.

The growing concern is that illegal land use could effectively become another cost of doing business, while the operation continues and the neighbourhood deteriorates. Residents are increasingly questioning whether the City’s Illegal Land Use policy is being used to accommodate unlawful operations rather than bring them to an end.

A higher rates charge is not the outcome residents have been demanding. They want enforcement, accountability and an end to the illegal operation. The City must explain what action it intends to take and why the existing contravention has not been visibly resolved.

Enough is enough. Residents have not given up on this matter, and the petition remains open: STOP THE INDUSTRIALISATION OF OUR RESIDENTIAL NEIGHBOURHOOD.

The post Sarnia Road: Residents Question City’s Response to Alleged Illegal Truck Depot appeared first on Alt News Network.

SOUTH AFRICA — 30 October 2026: A 50-year-old cattle farmer is recovering in hospital after an extraordinarily brutal attack on his farm between Potchefstroom and Ventersdorp in North West. He was shot in the back, stabbed, tortured, and had both ears cut off.

His name is Donovan Marx.

A farmworker was also tied up during the attack but managed to free himself and raise the alarm.

The reported details are deeply disturbing. This was not simply a case of criminals entering a property and stealing livestock or valuables. According to reports, Marx was subjected to horrific violence, leaving him seriously injured and requiring emergency medical treatment.

Yet beyond the initial reports, another question deserves attention: why do farm attacks and farm murders continue to struggle for consistent national media coverage?

This latest incident is not happening in isolation. It adds to an established pattern of violent crime affecting South Africa’s farming communities, where residents often face particular security challenges because of their distance from emergency services and police resources.

The brutality of this attack deserves attention. So does the wider problem it represents.

What Happened to Donovan Marx?

The attack took place on Wednesday, 28 October 2026, on Marx’s cattle farm between Potchefstroom and Ventersdorp.

According to reports, the attackers struck after a family member had left for work shortly before 08:00.

A farmworker was allegedly restrained while the attackers turned on Marx.

The farmer was shot in the back, stabbed in the leg and subjected to horrific torture. Both his ears were reportedly cut off.

He was transported to Mediclinic Potchefstroom, where he received emergency medical treatment.

His family subsequently indicated that he was stable and had undergone surgery.

The suspects reportedly fled in his red Isuzu bakkie, prompting a police investigation.

Agriculture Minister Willie Aucamp condemned the attack, acknowledging the vulnerability of rural communities because of their isolation and the difficulty of accessing immediate assistance.

Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Police chairperson Ian Cameron also condemned the incident, highlighting the need for specialised policing and a more focused response to farm attacks.

The circumstances raise serious questions about the level of violence involved and the safety of people living and working on isolated agricultural properties.

Another Attack. Another Family Affected.

Marx’s ordeal comes less than a month after the murder of 55-year-old Hannetjie van Zyl, who was attacked near the entrance to her farmhouse outside Ottosdal on 5 October.

Van Zyl was reportedly assaulted with an iron bar and suffered fatal head and neck injuries.

She died while being transported to hospital.

These are two separate incidents, but both demonstrate the vulnerability of people living in rural communities.

One family is now dealing with the consequences of a brutal attack that left a farmer seriously injured. Another has lost a loved one.

How many such incidents must occur before rural safety becomes a consistent national priority?

Farm Murders Are a Problem. The Statistics Cannot Be Dismissed.

There is an ongoing argument about the terminology, classification and motivation behind farm attacks.

But there should be no argument about whether these crimes exist.

AfriForum’s 2025 report recorded 184 farm attacks and 29 farm murders during the year. Its corresponding figures for 2024 were 176 attacks and 37 murders.

These are independently compiled figures and should not be confused with an official SAPS farm-murder category.

The Institute for Security Studies has also acknowledged that farm attacks constitute a serious crime problem requiring focused attention.

One can disagree with claims that farm attacks constitute genocide. One can question the motives attributed to individual incidents. One can challenge statistics and demand better methodology.

But none of those disagreements makes the crimes themselves disappear.

There is no requirement to establish a politically motivated campaign before acknowledging the suffering of farmers, farmworkers and their families.

The question is not whether every attack has the same motive. It is whether South Africa is doing enough to prevent these crimes, investigate them and bring perpetrators to justice.

Where Is the Mainstream Media?

This is where the conversation becomes particularly uncomfortable.

A review of searchable South African news coverage on 30 October identified reporting on the Donovan Marx attack by TimesLIVE, The South African, Newsday, the Potchefstroom Herald and OFM.

Those publications deserve acknowledgement for covering the incident.

However, I could not locate corresponding reports specifically covering the Marx attack on the websites of several prominent national outlets, including News24, eNCA, SABC News, Daily Maverick and IOL at the time of this review.

That absence raises legitimate questions about editorial priorities.

A farmer has allegedly been shot, stabbed, tortured and mutilated. These are extraordinary circumstances surrounding a violent crime. Why is there not a more visible national conversation about what happened?

Why does an incident of this severity not receive consistent attention across the country’s major newsrooms?

Would the same editorial decisions be made if the victim belonged to a different community?

The issue is not that every publication must report every crime. Newsrooms make decisions about resources, relevance and public interest.

But when certain categories of crime appear to receive less sustained attention, the public is entitled to ask why.

Reporting an incident is one thing. Investigating the wider problem, following up on police investigations and examining the effectiveness of government interventions is another.

South Africa needs both.

Condemning Those Who Speak While Overlooking the Crimes?

There is another contradiction in the wider discussion surrounding farm murders.

When individuals, organisations and commentators raise concerns about farm attacks, they can find themselves accused of exaggerating the problem, promoting racial division or advancing a political agenda.

Some claims deserve scrutiny. Unsupported allegations must be challenged, and journalists have a responsibility to distinguish evidence from speculation.

But why is the same determination not consistently directed towards examining the crimes themselves?

Why does the conversation so frequently become about the people discussing farm murders rather than the victims?

The suggestion that there is no such thing as farm murders cannot be reconciled with documented attacks, killings, police investigations and government condemnations.

The terminology may be debated. The statistics may be challenged. The motives may differ.

But the victims are real.

And Donovan Marx is another reminder of that reality.

Journalism Must Follow the Evidence

South Africa’s media has a responsibility to investigate violent crime, regardless of the victim’s occupation, background or circumstances.

That responsibility includes asking difficult questions of government, SAPS and political leaders.

Are rural communities receiving adequate protection? Are investigations resulting in convictions? Are police resources sufficient? Is the National Rural Safety Strategy being implemented effectively?

Most importantly, are the experiences of farming communities receiving the same consistent investigative attention afforded to other serious crime issues?

Farmers and farmworkers are entitled to the same protection, dignity and justice as every other South African.

The country’s agricultural economy and food security are also affected when people live and work under the threat of violent crime.

This should not be a politically divisive issue. Protecting people from violent criminals should be a common objective.

The Questions That Remain

Donovan Marx should not become another name that briefly attracts headlines before disappearing from public consciousness.

His recovery matters. His family deserves answers. The farmworker who survived the attack deserves recognition. And the people responsible must be brought before the courts.

But the wider issue must not disappear with the news cycle.

South Africans should be able to discuss farm murders without being immediately drawn into arguments about political allegiance, race or international propaganda.

We should be able to demand accurate statistics, better policing, accountability and consistent media coverage without having to justify why these victims deserve attention.

If a farmer is brutally tortured, shot and mutilated, surely the public has a right to know. Surely the incident deserves more than a passing mention.

And if major publications have chosen not to report it, the public has every right to question those editorial decisions.

How many more farmers and farmworkers must become victims before farm attacks are treated as a national priority? Why is acknowledging farm murders still such a contentious issue? And when newsrooms decide which stories deserve national attention, who holds them accountable for what they choose not to cover?

The post Farmer Brutally Tortured in North West Farm Attack appeared first on Alt News Network.

DURBAN, South Africa — 29 October 2026: A reported behind-the-scenes meeting in Johannesburg has raised questions about the future of Afrikaans political representation in South Africa, with Freedom Front Plus (FF Plus) leader Corne Mulder confirming that discussions about establishing another party took place earlier this month.

The meeting was held in Fourways on 6 October, according to Mulder, who revealed its existence during a televised discussion with political analyst Professor Koos Malan on KykNet’s In Gesprek. What remains unclear is who attended the meeting, what was discussed in detail, and whether those involved intend to take the idea beyond preliminary discussions.

The revelation comes amid a broader debate about the FF Plus’s direction and whether the party can expand its political reach without weakening the identity on which it was founded.

Is the FF Plus Moving Away From Its Roots?

During the discussion, Malan questioned whether the FF Plus was drifting away from its traditional role as a party focused primarily on Afrikaans-speaking and Afrikaner interests.

His argument centred on the party’s apparent shift toward a broader opposition strategy, including participation in coalition politics and efforts to attract support from people outside its traditional constituency.

According to Malan, this approach risks changing the party’s original political purpose. He compared the situation to the transformation of the former National Party under leaders such as FW de Klerk, Roelf Meyer and Marthinus van Schalkwyk.

Mulder rejected that comparison, maintaining that the FF Plus remains firmly grounded in Afrikaner interests and a Christian, centre-right political philosophy.

He argued that attracting supporters from different cultural backgrounds does not necessarily mean abandoning the principles that define the party. Those principles include private property rights, limited government, decentralisation, self-determination and minority rights.

The disagreement highlights a challenge facing political movements across the spectrum: how do they broaden their support without alienating the voters who built them?

A New Party Could Change the Political Equation

Mulder’s comments about the Fourways meeting added another dimension to the debate.

He confirmed that discussions had taken place about establishing a separate political party, potentially positioning it to compete with the FF Plus in the 2029 national elections.

Although he expressed no objection to people establishing a new party, Mulder questioned whether another party serving a similar constituency would be beneficial at a time when opposition parties are seeking to challenge the ANC’s political dominance.

His concern is that splitting voters who share broadly similar political objectives could weaken their collective influence.

Malan, however, said he knew nothing about the meeting and challenged Mulder to explain what he knew. The exchange left important questions unanswered, particularly regarding the identity of the organisers and whether a formal political movement is actually being developed.

At this stage, the available information does not establish that a new party has been formed or that the meeting produced a concrete decision to proceed.

Representation, Identity and Political Strategy

The debate raises a bigger question about the role of identity in South African politics.

For some voters, a party dedicated to protecting Afrikaans language rights, cultural heritage and minority interests offers a necessary political voice. Others may argue that these objectives can be pursued more effectively through a broader movement capable of influencing government policy and participating in coalitions.

Neither approach is without its challenges.

A narrowly focused party may struggle to expand its electoral influence, while a party that broadens its appeal risks diluting the priorities that initially attracted its supporters.

The FF Plus is attempting to demonstrate that these objectives are not mutually exclusive. Mulder maintains that the party can welcome supporters from different backgrounds while retaining its established principles.

Whether voters agree with that assessment is another matter.

The emergence of a potential rival could test the strength of that position, particularly if its organisers believe the existing political landscape does not adequately represent their interests.

However, without knowing who attended the Fourways meeting, what political platform they discussed or whether they intend to register a party, it would be premature to draw firm conclusions about its likely impact.

The Questions That Remain

South Africa’s political landscape is already shaped by coalition negotiations, shifting voter loyalties and the search for alternatives to established parties. A new Afrikaans political movement could add another player to that environment, but its significance would depend on more than the circumstances surrounding a private meeting.

Its leadership, policy proposals, funding, electoral ambitions and willingness to cooperate with other opposition parties would ultimately determine whether it could gain meaningful support.

There is also the question of whether a new party would offer voters a genuinely different political programme or simply divide an existing support base between competing organisations.

For now, the Fourways meeting has generated more questions than answers.

Will a new party emerge to challenge the FF Plus, or will the discussions remain an exploratory exercise? Is the FF Plus successfully broadening its appeal while protecting its founding principles, or is it moving away from the constituency it was established to represent? And, ultimately, would another political party strengthen Afrikaans representation in South Africa or fragment its electoral influence?

Source: Newsday — “Secret meeting to start a new Afrikaans party in South Africa”.

The post New Afrikaans Political Party on the Horizon? Secret Meeting Raises Questions for FF Plus appeared first on Alt News Network.

South Africa’s history of rural violence has reopened difficult questions about political incitement, government accountability and whether the country has done enough to protect people living and working on farms.

DURBAN, South Africa — 27 October 2026: South Africa’s farm murder debate has returned to the spotlight following renewed scrutiny of the African National Congress’s (ANC) historical conduct during the liberation struggle, the origins of the controversial “Kill the Boer” chant and the state’s response to attacks on farming communities.

In an article published on 27 October, Newsday reported on historical claims made by James Myburgh, editor of Politicsweb and director of the Bremen Centre for Democratic Research. Speaking on a Sakeliga podcast, Myburgh argued that the ANC’s armed struggle contributed to the emergence of politically motivated attacks against white farmers during the 1980s and that subsequent governments failed to adequately address the threat.

His account raises questions about the relationship between revolutionary politics and rural violence, as well as the extent to which decisions taken before and after the 1994 democratic transition shaped South Africa’s security landscape.

However, the distinction between historical allegations, established events and independently verified evidence remains essential. The seriousness of farm murders demands scrutiny, but claims of political responsibility must be assessed against documentary records, credible historical research and the circumstances of individual crimes.

The historical origins of farm attacks

According to Myburgh, the history of politically motivated attacks against white farming communities can be traced to the armed conflicts of the 1980s, when liberation movements operated within a broader regional environment shaped by wars in neighbouring countries.

He contends that the “Kill the Boer” chant, associated with the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army during the Rhodesian Bush War, entered the political vocabulary of South African liberation movements through historical links and military training networks.

Myburgh further alleges that ANC military structures encouraged attacks on white farming communities as part of a broader revolutionary strategy. He maintains that these activities included political mobilisation, the designation of certain farmers as targets because of their association with the apartheid-era commando system, and the training of local groups to carry out attacks.

These are substantial allegations. Establishing their full extent requires examining contemporary ANC documents, military records, testimony from participants and independent historical investigations.

The historical context also matters. The liberation struggle unfolded under a system of racial oppression, political exclusion and state violence. Recognising that context does not excuse attacks on civilians, just as documenting abuses committed by liberation movements does not diminish the abuses perpetrated by the apartheid state.

The central historical question is whether specific political directives, military operations and organisational decisions can be reliably connected to particular attacks, rather than treating the existence of a wider armed struggle as proof of responsibility for every subsequent crime.

Did the violence change after 1994?

The transition to democratic government brought an end to apartheid and fundamentally altered South Africa’s political institutions. Yet violent crime remained a serious problem, including in rural areas where isolated properties, long emergency response times, and limited access to security resources can leave residents particularly vulnerable.

Myburgh argues that farm attacks continued to increase during the 1990s, despite the decline in other forms of politically driven violence. He also contends that the ANC government failed to maintain the specialised policing capacity needed to address attacks on farms and smallholdings.

Those claims deserve examination against historical crime figures, changes in policing structures, investigative capacity and the decisions that accompanied the transition to democratic governance.

An earlier study published in SA Crime Quarterly, drawing on research conducted by the Committee of Inquiry into Farm Attacks, found that robbery was the primary motive identified in the cases examined. The research also highlighted the importance of investigative methods in securing convictions.

That finding provides an important counterweight to any attempt to assign a single political motive to farm attacks as a whole. Robbery, interpersonal violence, political hostility, and other circumstances cannot simply be treated as interchangeable explanations.

At the same time, evidence that robbery was a major motive in investigated cases does not establish that political hostility played no role in other incidents. Each allegation requires evidence appropriate to the case.

The government’s responsibility extends beyond debating motive. It includes maintaining effective policing, investigating murders properly, protecting rural residents and ensuring that offenders are brought before the courts.

What do the official statistics tell us?

The reliability and interpretation of farm murder statistics have themselves become part of the political dispute.

In March 2025, the Ministry of Police confirmed that the South African Police Service (SAPS) had begun verifying a list of farm attacks submitted by AfriForum. The organisation had raised concerns that official figures undercounted farm murders, particularly those involving farm owners.

The ministry reported that preliminary verification had identified no additional farm-owner murders beyond the single case already reflected in the relevant quarter’s official figures. It also stated that the verification process was continuing.

The announcement illustrates the importance of reconciling competing datasets before drawing conclusions about the scale of a problem.

In August 2025, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation reported that six murders had occurred in farming communities during the fourth quarter of the 2024/25 financial year, covering January to March 2025. The victims comprised two farmers, three employees and one farm dweller.

The government argued that the figures did not demonstrate a pattern of racially targeted violence. That is the government’s interpretation of the available statistics; the figures alone cannot establish the motive behind every incident or settle broader historical questions.

There is also a distinction between statistics measuring murders, statistics measuring attacks, and datasets that classify victims by occupation or location. These categories should not be conflated when comparing trends over time.

A comprehensive assessment requires transparent definitions, consistent reporting periods, and sufficient information about victims, circumstances, and investigative findings. Without these, competing claims can become political talking points rather than a reliable basis for public policy.

Sources: South African Government — SAPS verification of farm murder statistics; South African Government — International relations and cooperation on farm crime.

The controversy surrounding “Kill the Boer”

The chant remains one of the most contentious symbols in South African politics.

Critics argue that language calling for the killing of a particular group is dangerous, particularly in a country where racial tensions and violent crime remain politically sensitive. Supporters of the chant have argued that it belongs to the historical repertoire of anti-apartheid resistance and should be understood within that context rather than interpreted as a literal instruction to commit murder.

The dispute has also been tested in court.

In May 2024, the Supreme Court of Appeal dismissed AfriForum’s appeal against an Equality Court ruling that the chant, in the circumstances considered by the court, did not constitute hate speech. In March 2025, the Constitutional Court dismissed AfriForum’s application for leave to appeal.

Those decisions established the legal outcome of that particular dispute. They did not establish that every use of the words is harmless, that political rhetoric can never contribute to hostility, or that a connection exists between the chant and any specific farm murder.

Legal classification and political responsibility are different questions. A court ruling on hate speech does not replace the need to investigate credible evidence of incitement or criminal conduct in individual circumstances.

Politicians also have a responsibility to consider the foreseeable consequences of their public language. That responsibility applies across political parties and communities. Condemning rhetoric that appears to celebrate violence need not require denying the historical context in which it emerged.

Government accountability and rural safety

The debate becomes particularly consequential when it moves beyond historical blame to the practical question of whether the state is protecting people effectively.

Myburgh argues that the post-1994 government weakened institutions that had previously played a role in combating attacks on farms. That allegation warrants scrutiny of the changes to specialised police units, rural security structures, investigative resources and the operational consequences of those decisions.

The government, meanwhile, has pointed to its National Rural Safety Strategy and cooperation between police, agricultural organisations, community representatives and private security providers.

In August 2025, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation reported that 893 of 900 identified rural police stations had fully implemented the strategy by the end of the fourth quarter of the 2024/25 financial year.

Implementation figures, however, are not the same as evidence of effectiveness. Assessing the strategy requires examining response times, case-clearance rates, arrests, prosecutions, convictions and whether attacks have declined in the communities covered.

If the government maintains that its rural safety measures are working, it should be able to demonstrate their impact through transparent, comparable data. If critics argue that the state dismantled effective security capacity, they should identify the relevant decisions and establish their consequences with credible evidence.

Neither assertion should be accepted or dismissed solely because it comes from a political ally or opponent.

Beyond political accusations

Farm murders are not an abstract argument about ideology. They involve people killed in their homes or workplaces, families left without loved ones and communities forced to consider whether their homes are safe.

Farm owners are not the only people exposed to rural violence. Employees, farm dwellers and their families also require protection. An effective response must recognise the circumstances of all those affected without diminishing the experiences of any particular group.

The debate over political incitement also requires precision. A violent slogan may be condemned as irresponsible or morally objectionable without automatically establishing that it caused a particular crime. Conversely, the absence of a proven link in one case does not demonstrate that political rhetoric can never contribute to a climate of hostility.

South Africa needs evidence capable of answering these questions rather than competing narratives that leave important details unresolved.

The historical allegations raised by Myburgh warrant examination. So do the government’s explanations of rural crime, the reliability of official statistics and the measurable performance of the institutions responsible for public safety.

Ultimately, accountability should not depend on which political party stands to benefit from the findings. If individuals or organisations encouraged, organised or facilitated criminal violence, credible evidence should be investigated and responsibility established through appropriate legal processes. If government decisions weakened the ability to protect rural communities, those decisions should also be examined.

The public deserves answers that go beyond political rhetoric.

Can South Africa establish, through independently verifiable historical evidence, the extent to which political organisations contributed to farm attacks during the liberation struggle? Are official crime statistics sufficiently transparent to measure the full extent of violence against everyone living and working on farms? And, regardless of political affiliation, what evidence can the government provide that its rural safety policies are protecting communities today?

The post Farm Murders and the ANC: What Does the Historical Evidence Reveal? appeared first on Alt News Network.

JOHANNESBURG, 20 October 2026: Independent news publishers looking to strengthen their digital operations now have access to a free tool to help them understand what is working, where improvements are needed and what to prioritise next. The Digital News Transformation Fund (DNTF) has partnered with RNW Media to make its Digital Transformation Assessment (DTA), a service of RNTC, available free of charge to independent publishers throughout South Africa, including the Fund’s 43 grantees.

The DNTF is a partnership between Google and the Association of Independent Publishers (AIP), administered by Tshikululu Social Investments. The Fund supports the sustainability, innovation and digital transformation of small and medium local and independent news publishers in South Africa.

The assessment takes around 60 minutes to complete, ideally with two to four team members working together. It looks at how different parts of a news organisation are adapting to digital publishing, across areas including strategy, editorial workflows, audience engagement, operations, monetisation, people and digital security.

Each organisation receives a personalised report outlining its current digital position, helping teams identify strengths, areas for improvement and where to focus their limited resources. The results can also help teams develop a practical action plan, including capacity-building needs and a realistic budget. Leanne Kunz, Head of the DNTF, says: “Independent publishers are working hard to adapt to a changing media environment, often with limited resources. This assessment gives them an opportunity to look at their progress, identify what needs attention and make informed decisions about their next steps.”

Participation is entirely confidential, voluntary and does not affect DNTF grants or funding conditions. Responses are used only to generate each organisation’s report, with individual data kept private and not shared with the Fund or other third parties. The report is tailored to each organisation that submits the assessment information.

Boris van Westering, Digital Transformation lead at RNW Media, says: “The assessment is designed to encourage practical conversations within newsrooms about digital transformation. It gives teams a clearer picture of where they stand and helps them agree on what matters most.”

RNW Media and RNTC will host a free introductory session on Wednesday, 28 October 2026, from 10:00 to 11:00 (SAST), open to anyone interested in learning about the assessment.

The session will take place on Microsoft Teams. Join the introductory session using this link here.

Publishers can also learn more about the DTA and access the assessment at rntc.com.

For more information, please visit dntfund.org.za.

The post South African Publishers Gain Free Access to Digital Assessment Tool appeared first on Alt News Network.